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History 1732–1799

Commanders

Washington's Strategy: Preserving the Army as the Objective

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Fig. Most of the correspondence is about supply, pay and desertion, not about battle. AI-generated image

George Washington lost more engagements than he won. He was outmanoeuvred repeatedly in the early campaigns, lost a major city, and never destroyed a British army in the field except at the end with substantial allied help. He is nonetheless the correct answer to the question of who won that war, and the reason is that he identified the objective correctly and almost nobody around him did.

The objective was the army’s existence

A rebellion against an established power is not defeated by losing ground. It is defeated when its army ceases to exist, because there is then nothing for a government to negotiate with and nothing for a population to join.

Conversely it succeeds when the other side concludes that continuing is not worth the cost — a political judgement, made far away, on the basis of whether the war has an end in sight.

From that follows a strategy that looks like avoidance and is not. Accept the loss of territory, including cities. Avoid decisive engagement against a superior force in the open. Keep the army in being through winter, through enlistment expiries, through desertion. Strike only where the odds are locally favourable and withdrawal is available afterwards.

This required deciding repeatedly not to fight when a fight was available and public opinion demanded one, which is considerably harder than deciding to fight.

The real difficulty was administrative

The surviving correspondence is dominated not by operations but by supply, and this is the most under-appreciated fact about the command.

The army was chronically short of food, clothing, footwear, ammunition and pay. It was raised on short enlistments that expired mid-campaign, obliging him to fight while his force dissolved and reformed. It depended on thirteen governments with separate finances and limited enthusiasm for funding it, and on a central authority with no power to tax.

Holding such a force together across several years is the achievement, and it is the part of the record that most resembles modern command: the constraint was logistics and personnel, not the enemy.

The two campaigns that show the method

The winter operations of 1776–77, after a series of defeats and with enlistments about to expire, are the clearest example. Short, sharp attacks against isolated detachments, chosen because they were achievable, followed by withdrawal. Their military effect was modest. Their effect on whether there would be an army in the spring was not.

Yorktown, at the other end of the war, is the exception that proves the strategy rather than contradicting it. It was a decisive engagement, and it was accepted only when the conditions had become favourable: allied troops and siege artillery available, and an allied fleet able to hold local naval superiority long enough to close the escape route. He had spent years declining battles precisely so that one on those terms would eventually be available.

The precedent that outlasted the war

He deferred to civil authority throughout, including through periods when that authority was manifestly failing to supply his army. When officers began discussing action against the government over unpaid wages, he intervened personally to stop it. At the end of the war he resigned his commission, not retaining military authority.

None of that was structurally required and all of it became foundational. The subordination of the armed forces to civil authority in the United States rests, in its origin, on a set of decisions taken by a commander who had the means and the grievance to decide otherwise.

The precedent that mattered most was the one he set by leaving. A commander who surrenders his commission when the fighting stops establishes that the office is larger than the holder, and every later argument about civilian control of the military in the United States rests on that having been done once, early, by the person with the least to gain from it.

Questions and answers

If he lost most of his battles, why is he regarded as a successful commander?

Because the objective was not to win battles. A rebellion is defeated when its army ceases to exist, and it succeeds when the opposing government concludes the war is not worth continuing. Keeping a recognisable army in the field, year after year, denied the decisive victory the other side needed and made the war open-ended, which is what eventually produced the political result.

What was his hardest problem?

Not the enemy. It was holding an army together that was chronically short of pay, food, clothing and ammunition, raised on short enlistments that expired in the middle of campaigns, and dependent on thirteen governments that were reluctant to fund it. The great majority of his surviving correspondence concerns supply, pay and desertion, which is a fair reflection of where his effort went.

How important was the alliance with France?

Decisive at the end and not sufficient on its own. The alliance brought money, materiel, troops and (critically at Yorktown) a fleet capable of contesting local naval superiority, which is what turned a siege into a trap. But the alliance was only available because the army had survived long enough to make the rebellion look like a viable investment, so the two factors are sequential, not alternative.

What did he establish about the relationship between the army and civil authority?

The precedent that has mattered most in American history: he deferred to civil authority throughout, including when it was failing to supply his army, and he resigned his commission at the end of the war rather than retaining it. He also personally intervened to stop officers considering action against the civil government over unpaid wages. None of that was inevitable, and all of it became foundational.

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